It cannot be denied that the Borough Members possessed divergent views on many points, although on most occasions they were less conspicuous in political principles than in matters of detail. The misfortune was that Mr. North's cautious moderation was not only insufficiently appreciated by the ardent Liberals, but was positively distasteful to them; and on every convenient opportunity the attempt was made to goad him into an open avowal of Radicalism. As a means to this end, the worthy gentleman was continually taunted with his alleged allegiance to his family connections and traditions, and his name was ever and anon associated with the "Old Corporation Party." Yet, all the while the said Old Corporation party were opposing him for his advanced views, which they regarded as little better than rank Radicalism. "Civil and Religious Liberty" was Mr. North's watchword, but this article of faith, while it was viewed by the Conservatives as embodying revolutionary ideas in respect to Church and State, was regarded by the Liberals as a meaningless phrase when judged of by the want of unanimity in the acts of himself and his colleague. Thus prejudiced, the self-styled Reformers sought to damage Mr. North's political status by making the most of every little difference of opinion which the two representatives might chance to entertain whether the subject was of imperial or of local importance. It is possible and even probable that the views expressed by Mr. North respecting the Charities petition were not the wisest yet it seems to have been unequally wise - because ungenerous - to be continuously setting him down as an anti-Reformer merely because he was not at all times prepared to second the efforts for sweeping innovations. The following is a newspaper criticism which appeared immediately after the meeting which I have described.
Thanks to a free press and a Liberal Government, we are enabled to expose and in that way to reform abuses; and in no part of the United Kingdom is there a town which has been more abused by a few persons who have for years made it subservient to their purposes, until they have at last worked up their imagination to a belief that Hastings, with all its natural advantages was made for their exclusive benefit. Happily for the rest of the inhabitants, the Reform Bill was destroyed half their influence by enabling the independent electors to return Mr. Elphinstone; and we trust they will complete their work at the next election by the return of two independent members, and finally wrest the borough from the weakened grasp of the Old Corporation party. The least reflection on the struggle which the country engaged in to obtain the Reform Bill must be sufficient to induce every well-wisher to the cause of good government to consider himself called upon to complete the work so auspiciously begun; and if the electors will but look around them and compare the old corrupt corporate towns of Hastings, Rye, Winchelsea, Sandwich, Folkestone, etc., with the free and independent towns of Brighton, Worthing, Margate Ramsgate, &c., the comparison will fill them with regret for having so foolishly permitted the corrupt influences of such a party to mar the prospects of the rest of the inhabitants. We regret to hear that one individual in particular appears to have an idea that his long connection with the borough entitles him in his capacity of magistrate to express his caprice against anyone who presumes to question the unjust influence which his party have hitherto exercised. Upon such conduct we have only to remark that it is the best index of the mind of a person guilty of it, and makes him an object of pity rather than of contempt, because such men defeat their own object by exposing their lack of all honest principle.
Thus attacked, and finding that he could do nothing right for either party, one does not wonder that Mr. North declined the doubtful honour of representing the borough in the next Parliament. This resolve had a very important bearing on the result of the election which so favoured the fortunes of the Conservatives.
Early in the month of February, Mr. Elphinstone signified his intention of retiring from the representation of Hastings, a ruthless expenditure being his sole reason for not again offering himself for election. At the same time he introduced Mr. Hollond to the constituency as a gentleman who has both the means and the leisure to devote to the interests of the borough. It was not long before Mr. Hollond published his address to the electors which was a rather lengthy document, and of which the following is a brief summary:
I rely for your support on the soundness of the political principles which I profess in common with the majority of yourselves. If I am honoured with your confidence I shall best do your work in the Commons' House by giving generally my support to the present Reform Administration, and more particularly to the liberal and pacifying policy on which they have governed Ireland. I shall support the Bill for Municipal Reform in Ireland, as I can entertain no doubt that the prosperity of that country will be advanced by giving to the inhabitants of her corporate towns those popular rights and privileges which you have been taught by your own experience to appreciate. It is also desirable for the best interests of the Protestant Church of Ireland that the Church question should be settled without delay on the principles adopted by the House of Commons. The essential principle of the Reform Act is that the Government is to be a Government of the people for the people; and that principle I shall hold it my duty faithfully and zealously in all things to work-out, and especially to protect the poorer voters from intimidation by an endeavour to secure the means of voting by ballot. If the Liberal electors should deem me worthy to receive their support, I shall march under the pink flag with the certain victory which again awaits the cause of Reform and Liberal Government in your borough. I have, &c.
— ROBERT HOLLOND.
Mr. Hollond began at once to show his liberality as well as his Liberalism, by subscribing to the local institutions, and among his many contributions was one of £200 to the Fishermen's Fund, with the promise of a similar amount as an annual subscription. He also contributed largely to the fund for the harbour survey, and on Monday, the 27th of February he gave a dinner to his political supporters and their friends. As no one room in the borough was sufficiently capacious to accomodate (sic) the number of guests, it was arranged that they should be entertained at four different hotels - two in the old town and two in the new. These were the Swan, the Oak, the Saxon, and the Conqueror. At the first-named house the meeting was presided over by Mr. B. Smith, M.P., supported by Dr. MacCabe (both of whom had only just recovered from an attack of influenza) and Messrs. Elphinstone, J. Mannington, W. Duke, W. R. Hollond, G. Duke, E. L. Richards, D. Cooper, etc. The after dinner speeches were numerous, lengthy and racy. After Mr. Hollond had spoken, he visited the other three parties, and repeated in substance his speech at the Swan, which was received with much enthusiasm all round. It was openly stated by the Liberal party that through the introduction of Mr. Hollond by Mr. Elphinstone, the borough would be saved from being bought by Mr. Brisco's long purse; whilst by the opposing party it was insinuated that the town had been sold by Mr. Elphinstone to Mr. Hollond.
Without attempting to be the umpire in this matter, it is more my province to say that an active canvass was immediately commenced all round, and in a short time the several candidates or the friends of such, persisted in asserting that their chance of winning exceeded their most sanguine expectations. Mr. Brisco, it was said, was indefatigable as far as he knew how to be; but the want of "gumption," as Mr. T. B. Baker termed it, made it necessary for the latter to be prompter on all occasions to his principal, and it thus "knocked him up," as he confessed, long before the task was finished. According to the cue which was given, the accommodating Mr. Brisco was Whig, Tory or Radical, and the varying tactics necessitated by these several assumptions made it harrassing (sic) work for the prompter; but with the exemplary perseverance - which it was thought would find its way into the little bill - the painstaking lawyer slaved it through the streets from morning till night, and from night till morning. Of Mr. Planta it was said that he was more than merely safe, for the promises he had received from those who voted against him on the previous occasion made him absolutely certain. The honourable gentleman published in a pamphlet form a speech which he delivered during the preceding election, but which his opponents declared bore only a slight resemblance to the viva voce address. From what I remember of the scene of uproar and confusion which prevailed on the occasion referred to, I should wonder if either friends or foes could say what the address was really like. The shameful treatment which was then shown to Mr. Planta had the effect of securing for him the sympathy and support of the more moderate men in the Liberal ranks when he again solicited their suffrages. Mr. Planta, was, undoubtedly, a Tory, but he was also a perfect gentleman in his conduct, and in many ways had exerted himself for the benefit of the borough. To have been hissed and hooted by the Radicals was bad enough, but to have been spat upon and pelted with unsavoury missiles - as I can myself testify - was enough to move the hearts of those among his opponents who could appreciate his appeal to them for the exercise of British manhood. Yet his opponents continued in the belief that he had not the ghost of a chance when the day of election should come. They urged that Messrs. Hollond and North were sure to be chosen in spite of all the power with perhaps the aid of a few "turncoats," that the Tories could bring against them. The supporters of Mr. Planta, they said, might be very sanguine of success, but they required to be reminded that because people were more civil than usual to a gentleman who fancied he had been unfairly treated in time past was no reason why they should vote for him in time to come. There appeared at the same time a paragraph in a county Liberal journal as follows:-
A fracas of a somewhat extraordinary nature took place on Wednesday between Col. Gant, Sutherland Graeme, Esq., Mr. W. Watson and Mr. W. Breach, in which - so we are compelled to hear - the two first-named came off only second best. We are pleased to know this, for (these gentlemen will pardon the plagiarism) 'When Tories fall out good citizens obtain their rights.'
The Col. Gant here alluded to was the father of Major Gant, now of Chiddingly, and at the time resided at 9 Maze Hill. The second gentleman mentioned in the newspaper paragraph - Mr. A. Sutherland Graeme, was also residing in St. Leonards at the time, his mansion being 12 Maze Hill. Both gentlemen exerted themselves to secure the return of Mr. Planta, but the latter more particularly. Mr. Graeme, who died in November, 1894, was, in fact, a principal actor in the electioneering drama of 1837, and was one of the very few persons who could lay claim to that political distinction. I venture to think that the venerable gentleman regarded the success of his exertions with the greater complacency in consequence of an agreement between himself and his party that, whatever might be the result of the contest, Mr. Planta should be put to no expense. Some of the "brothy boys" among that gentleman's old supporters having been informed of such resolve began to shake their heads in an ominous fashion, and at a meeting held at the Anchor Inn on the 24th of February, Mr. Planta was heard to say that his friend Roper had told him that there was no chance of winning the election without "lush." Well, he could only tell them as he had told Roper that although "lush" could not be commanded to be present on such occasions as that, he had no doubt that "lush" would come at the proper time. Another meeting of Mr. Planta's friends was held at the Arcade on the following Friday evening with Sutherland Graeme, Esq., in the chair, when assurances were given of the satisfactory nature of the canvass. The election did not come off until August, but each party kept well on the alert, and no opportunity was missed that was likely to forward the one and to impede the other. On the 28th of March, it being Easter Tuesday, Mr. Hollond in-
