vited the ladies to a ball and supper; and on the 31st of the same month - the day on which the founder of St. Leonards died - a great Conservative dinner took place at the Swan Hotel, presided over by Mr. Sutherland Graeme. This banquet was the result of a resolution passed at a previous meeting of the "Hastings and St. Leonards Loyal and Constitutional Association," that they would dine together, and extend invitations to persons in the borough and neighbourhood who professed opinions in accordance with the Association.
Conservative Banquet - Great Speeches
The large ball-room and ante-room were tastefully decorated with evergreens and banners the latter bearing suitable mottoes. On the wall, over the head of the chairman was a large portrait of Sir Robert Peel, surmounted by a silk banner with a crown and the words "Church and State." The party numbered 170, and among those who sat on the right and left of the chairman were the Rt. Hon. Joseph Planta, G. Darby, Esq., Capt. Sweeny, Major Willard, Col. Gant, Rev. H. Rush, Rev. G. G. Stonestreet, Rev. E. Rust, Rev. C. Snowden, F. Stonestreet, Esq., C. Wale, Esq., R. Rankin, Esq., Hon. H. Ellis, H. R. Reynolds, Esq., Robt. Kay, Esq., J. C. Grenside, Esq., Fredk. Ticehurst, Esq., R. Smpson, Esq., H. Collett, Est., and H. Pidcock, Esq. The vice-chairman was Mr. Jos. Hart. The dinner was served up under the superintendence of Mr. W. M. Eldridge, whose accession to the "Royal Swan" and extensive improvements there effected, have already been described. I believe I also stated when referring to the formation of the Conservative Association, four months anterior to the dinner that Mr Sutherland Graeme was chosen President of the same; but I did not then say that Mr. Frederic Ticehurst - a Liberal, of later years - was the energetic Secretary. The Radical politicians of the time spoke disdainfully of the little "hole-and-corner" meeting, and prophesied that nothing would come from a clique of sixteen (the number was forty) of second and third-rate men. How they must have been undeceived when they read in the newspapers the numbers, names and superior oratory of that influential assembly which gathered round the festive board of the new Association! There was much in the speeches that could not fail to be of interest even to politicians of the present day.
To show the general harmony and completeness of the arrangements I will summarize the proceedings from a report in the Brighton Gazette.-
At 4.30 the band played "O the Roast Beef of Old England," after which 170 persons stood up at the tables whilst the Rev. H. Rush, of Crowhurst, said Grace. On the removal of the cloth, the chairman (A. Sutherland Graeme, Esq.) proposed the "Health of His Majesty, William IV." This was supplemented by the National Anthem - solo by Mr. James Hart, and chorus by the company. The chairman next gave "Our Gracious Queen Adelaide," to which, after the response, the band played "The Lass that loves a Sailor." Then the chairman said - I am sure you will feel it to be unnecessary that I should dilate on the next toast, so near as we are to the place which their Royal Highnesses the Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria made their residence for some time. During their abode amongst us, Her Royal Highness Victoria must have gained the respect and attachment which all those who have the interest of the kingdom at heart must feel towards the young heiress who, under Divine Providence, is destined to sit on the throne. I am convinced that during her residence at St. Leonards you had an opportunity of witnessing that affability which is the distinguishing characteristic of their Royal Highnesses; and I am therefore certain that you will drink with much pleasure to the health of the "Duchess of Kent and the Heiress-Apparent of these Realms." - 3 times 3, and "My Love she is but a Lassie yet." The chairman then said, "Since by your kind partiality I am placed in the honourable position of chairman, I feel it to be in accordance with my duty and inclination previously to submitting the next toast, to preface it with a few observations which you will not deem inappropriate. The fundamental principle upon which this Association is formed is declaratory of our inviolable attachment to the Church; and you will agree with me in thinking the present a most fitting time at which to declare our determination to abide by such principle. On the first night of our formation, I endeavoured to point out the serious blow which the Protestant Church would receive by the appropriation clause in the Irish Tithe Bill, and drew attention to the shuffling conduct of Ministers, who, to drive from power one of the ablest statesmen this country ever possessed, introduced the clause which, six months before, they had strongly opposed. Since then Parliament has met, and I have anxiously awaited the announcement of the Ministerial measure for the settlement of the Tithe question in Ireland, without which the present House of Commons is pledged not to be satisfied. No such announcement has been made, but another deadly blow has been aimed at the Church, as if it alone was the Government's object of hostility. I allude to the measure for the Abolition of Church-rates, which has been aptly termed by Sir W. Follett, the "English Appropriation Clauses." And how, gentlemen, has the measure been received? The venerable heads of our Church have denounced it as inefficient in detail and unjust in principle; the people have petitioned in vast numbers against it; and a large majority is firmly opposed to any measure calculated to weaken the foundation of their much-loved Church. [Here the Chairman related instances of that affection and fidelity to the church which he had affirmed was the case, and among other anecdotes was one which related to a leading Dissenter being in the habit of occasionally attending the parish church, and when asked why he did so replied, "I conscientiously dissent from the Establishment, but whenever I hear that any attack is meditated on it, convinced that if it were done away with there would be an end to all religion I feel it my duty to testify by my presence my determination to uphold it with all its rights and privileges untouched."] The feelings, said the chairman, which animated this conscientious Dissenter as participated in by many others; and if there has been this strong manifestation of resistance to the spoilation of the Church from without the walls of Parliament, how has the measure been dealt with from within? How triumphant have been the arguments of the Opposition; how flimsy have proved the financial details of the Chancellor of the Exchequer; and how completely are the rights and privileges of our venerable Church vindicated by those who stand up in her defence. After all the clamour which has been raised, after all the specious endeavours to impose on the minds of the people, after straining every nerve to swell the ranks of the majority, of how many and of whom has this majority consisted? Twenty-three; and these twenty-three men had sworn previously to taking their seats in the House "I, A. B. do swear that I will defend to the utmost of my power the settlement and arrangement of property in this country as established by the laws now in being; and I do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any intention to subvert the present Church Establishment. And I do solemnly swear that I will not exercise any privilege to which I am or may become entitled, to disturb and weaken the Protestant Religion and Protestant government of this Kingdom. So help me God." Now, gentlemen (continued the chairman) it is not for me to say how far these Roman Catholic members, who have subscribed to this oath, could consistently vote in the manner they did for the abolition of church rates. They must be the best judges; but I could not have so voted myself consistently with the solemn obligation. But, gentlemen, this measure has not become law; it has yet to receive that dignified discussion which awaits every measure in the House of Lords, and it has yet to receive the sanction of a King, sworn to defend the best interests of the Church. Let us trust that it will be rejected; let us, in the impressive language of our Liturgy - let us trust that it will please Almighty God "to direct and prosper all their consultations, to the advancement of His Glory, the good of His Church, the safety, honour and welfare of our Sovereign and his dominions; that all things may be so ordered and settled by their endeavours upon the best and surest foundation that peace and happiness, truth and justice, religion and piety, may be established among us for all generations." Join with me then (said Mr. Sutherland Graeme, in conclusion) in one long responsive cheer to the good old constitutional toast of "Church and State.
The toast, as might be supposed, was responded to with much enthusiasm, and was immediately followed by long and able speeches from the Rev. G. Stonestreet, Mr. Darby, Mr. Reynolds, Mr. Planta, and Mr. Ellis. In these addresses there was much useful information, and much - if only from the now altered condition of things - that would commend itself to serious reflection. There was also in some other speeches by the chairman much that may be worthy of attention even in the present day, and especially as there appears just now to be a re-awakening of the old political rivalries. By many it is thought that the term Liberal-Conservative is either a myth, or at the best, only a term of modern growth; but the further extracts which I intend to give from the report of the Conservative banquet of 1837, will demonstrate the fact that not only were Sir Robt. Peel and some of his colleagues Liberal-Conservatives, but that the chairman of the banquet now under consideration, was himself an avowed Liberal-Conservative, and one who was in favour of the Reform Act.
The chairman's speech at the Conservative banquet of 1837 with which he introduced the toast of "Church and State," was followed by one of greater length from the Rev. G. G. Stonestreet, in which that gentleman dealt with the Church-rate question in a very lucid and argumentative manner. To myself, individually, his arguments would not be so conclusive as they appeared to be to Mr. Stonestreet's hearers on that occasion, and perhaps for the reason that my prejudices were so strong in an opposite direction as to induce me to say that I would never pay church-rates as long as I lived. Well, it happens that I have been able to carry out my resolve; and there is no irrelevancy in recording the fact here, because it is very probable that the present History would not have been written were it not that the leading motive for taking up my abode in St. Leonards, now 58 years ago, was to avoid the payment of church-rates. I must confess, however, that in Mr. Stonestreet's address on the subject there was much that appealed to a sense of justice, and much that was worthy of consideration at the time. But the day has gone by for a reproduction of the reverend gentleman's speech to be of much value; and I shall therefore confine my extracts to such portions as may seem to me to have the least restricted interest. In the course of his speech Mr. Stonestreet remarked that although he had not the honour at that moment to be a member of the Association, he could not allow a toast accompanied by such sentiments as those of their chairman to pass without his own particular acknowledgment. He thought they could trace all the best parts of the English character, both as shown in private life and as related to what constituted the dignity of the State to that constant communication which took place between those who had been responsible for the religion of the country and those to whom the interests of the State had been committed. He knew that he was labouring under disadvantages in introducing such a subject into a convivial meeting, but there were times when the solemnity of feeling could not be shaken off even in their festive moments. This was the case with him then. He felt that it was not untimely for them to avail themselves of public support for that which had produced so much public good. They would remember that one of the earliest feelings at the passing of the Reform Bill was that all the evils of the country, whether civil or ecclesiastical, should be deeply probed' and it was soon signified to everyone who held office under the Church that the test would be a close one. The clergy, to the number of 9,000, sent an address to their Archbishop, in which they stated that whatever conditions might be proposed to him, which he thought proper to accept, they would agree to; and he went accordingly to the task assigned to him of examining into all church abuses. A commission was formed of the principal members of the Government and four or five of the Bishops or Archbishops, and as proof that there was no unwillingness on the part of the Church to relinquish anything which to the good sense of the country seemed necessary, a pamphlet was published by the Rev. Sidney Smith, one of the oldest of the Whig party, in which he sta-
